FAQ

1. Why adopt the Annan plan? Is it better than other plans proposed previously?

We believe that the plan is proposed at a time when the two communities are ready to live together. One proof among others is the Turkish Cypriot massive demonstrations and the fact that all major Greek Cypriot political parties have agreed to the plan as the basis for negotiations. More than 60,000 Turkish Cypriots have demonstrated in favor of a peaceful solution; a record figure given that the number of Turkish Cypriots and settlers in the north does not exceed 200,000 people.

It has some new innovative positions which would serve both Greek and Turkish Cypriots, especially concerning the operation of the executive power, inspired by the well-functioning Swiss model. The main executive body will be composed of six members (four Greek Cypriots and two Turkish Cypriots). They will be elected from a common ballot in the parliament which guarantees a high probability that the members will cooperate with each other. Decisions will be made either consensually or by a majority containing at least one vote from each community. In case of disagreement, decisions will be made by the judicial body comprising three Greek Cypriots, three Turkish Cypriots, and three internationally recognized judges. This system will fully protect the interests of the two communities without making the one hostage of a possible intransigence of the other.

The prospect of joining the EU as a unified Cyprus is also an additional factor in favor of the current plan that did not exist in previous ones. The EU will guarantee that human rights will be implemented, and where there are issues to be improved, these will be examined within EU norms and practices. Within the EU, national boundaries will matter less and the two communities will feel more secure. As a result in the near future, they will be more open to consensual improvements of the current arrangement. Additionally, Turkey, as a candidate EU member, will most likely follow a cooperative stance during the implementation of this agreement.

Finally, the Annan plan proposes many other measures already given in previous plans. These measures will remain the same regardless of whether the solution will take place now or in ten years. However, as time passes any plan might become harder to implement in Cyprus.

2. Why ask for a federal solution?

There are a number of reasons why a federal solution is necessary in Cyprus. A federal solution will be the best way for people to learn to live together again, minimizing new refugees and allowing the majority of the current refugees to return back. Federalism will reduce political tensions by allowing each community to run its own domestic affairs. Additionally, the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot sides have signed High Level Agreements in 1977 and 1979 where they have already accepted a federal arrangement as a future solution.

3. Why do we support a solution that might be partly contrary to United Nations resolutions and EU laws?

It is elusive to believe that a decades-old problem can be solved without mutual sacrifices and concessions in important issues. We believe that some exceptions from established human rights norms are transitional and necessary if we would like to build mutual trust in the island. We also believe that the Annan plan will initiate a process of reconciliation and lead to improvements in the near future. We believe that once we decrease our levels of distrust, human rights can be implemented for all Cypriots including the refugees.

4. What happens if a settlement is not reached by the 28th of February?

This is one of our biggest fears. In such a case, the Turkish Cypriots will massively migrate outside of Cyprus, leaving a clear majority of Turkish settlers in the north. This will be facilitated by the fact that the Turkish Cypriots are eligible for Cyprus passports and free movement and settlement within the EU once Cyprus becomes a member. There are also fears that a new massive settlement from Turkey will turn Cyprus into a typical Anatolian province. Additionally, Turkish Cypriots who oppose Denktash might escape to the south and reclaim their homes and properties in accordance with EU laws. This will cause new refugees in both communities and new humanitarian problems similar to the ones of 1974.

5. How effective could NGOs be in the Cyprus peace process?

During the past decade, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been very influential in international and Cyprus politics. Their success in mobilizing support for the Annan plan illustrates that these groups should be respected and encouraged by the United Nations. We believe that the UN should seek the support of non-governmental organizations and political parties representing the indigenous Turkish Cypriots. This will ensure that the Turkish Cypriots will have a voice in the negotiations representing their own interests. Non-governmental organizations can support UN initiatives within the wider public, face nationalist opposition to UN plans, and provide ideas for the solution. In particular, bicommunal NGOs such as CAN give a powerful message worldwide that Greek and Turkish Cypriot people can speak and act together. Finally, we would like to stress the necessity of foreign NGOs- not only Cypriot- to actively start acting in Cyprus (as they have been doing in various conflict areas). In spirit of altering people's mentalities these peace-building measures should expand to all levels of the society from the elite to the grass-root level.

6. Why not ask for new elections in the northern part of Cyprus?

Democratic election is hard to achieve in the northern part of the island. Mr. Denktash always counts on the votes of the Turkish settlers who outnumber the Turkish Cypriots according to some estimates. During elections people from Turkey also receive electoral rights and visit Cyprus to vote for Denktash. These include well-known members of the Turkish political establishment and Denktash supporters and cronies in Turkey. This occurs despite the unpopularity of Denktash's policies in Turkey itself, particularly from members of the press, academia, and elected representatives of the Turkish people. So even with new elections Turkish Cypriots will not be fairly represented.

7. Why do you ask for a population census?

There is total secrecy regarding the number of the Turkish settlers in the northern part of Cyprus. Until now Turkey has managed to resist European and international pressure to reveal these numbers. We ask for a census to establish the actual number of Turkish Cypriots and to prove that that the Turkish Cypriot population is decreasing, that thousands of Turkish Cypriots are immigrating to other countries, and that Denktash does not serve the genuine Turkish Cypriot interests but those of the Turkish settlers and Turkey.

8. Do you think that settlers should have no rights?

No, we fully support the human rights of the Turkish settlers. On the one hand, using settlers to alter the demographic structure of a territory such as northern Cyprus is an act in violation of international law. On the other hand, international law prohibits the massive and indiscriminate expulsion of settlers from this territory. We support a human rights perspective to the settler issue. We believe that some settlers should be compensated to return to their ancestral homeland while others should receive an immigrant or resident status. This will ensure that the Turkish Cypriots will retain their political rights and that the settlers will be gradually and smoothly integrated in the Cypriot society.

9. Why are you asking for the complete withdrawal of the Turkish army?

There are many reasons for asking a complete demilitarization of Cyprus. Firstly, this is a provision required by UN resolutions. Secondly, the Turkish army's presence in Cyprus violates international law and creates an environment of insecurity for both Turkish and Greek Cypriots. And finally, the Turkish army has a long history of interference in Turkish and Turkish Cypriot politics. Its presence will prevent democratization of Cyprus, jeopardize the process of reconciliation, encourage radicalism, and turn Cyprus into a protectorate of foreign powers, particularly Turkey.

10. Why not ask for the withdrawal of the Greek army?

We are asking for complete demilitarization which includes the Greek army and the Cyprus National Guard as well. In the past, the presence of a Greek army has encouraged radicalism from the Greek Cypriot community. We stress the importance of the withdrawal of all armies and forces particularly those in violation of international law and relevant UN resolutions. In addition, if Greece and Turkey engage in conflict elsewhere (e.g. in the Aegean or Thrace), they might then use Cyprus as a convenient battleground. Likewise, any crisis in Cyprus might escalate into a Greek-Turkish confrontation, if the two countries maintain troops in the island. We believe instead that a strong central police and a temporary United Nations force will serve our need for security without damaging inter-communal or Greek-Turkish relations.

11. I am a concerned Turkish or Greek patriot, why should I support the Cyprus Action Network positions and activities?

We believe that the continuation of the conflict in Cyprus will have negative consequences for the Greek and Turkish people as well. Turkey and Greece waste their national wealth in expensive defense projects that could otherwise be used for social welfare, education, and health. They both figure among the five biggest importers of defense equipment worldwide. Moreover, Greece and Turkey have come to a near-war situation at least once every decade for the past four decades (1963, 1967, 1974, 1986, 1996 etc) with devastating consequences for their societies and economies. Furthermore, the Cyprus problem might risk EU enlargement in the Eastern Mediterranean particularly leaving Turkey outside the great European family of nations.   Outside the EU, Turkey will face isolation, poverty and reactionarism and it will become a threat not only for its neighbors but also for its own people. Thus, we encourage concerned Turkish and Greek patriots to support CAN activities.